Today's Date:

THE MINISTER – The international community can’t wait any longer. As we see every day, there’s a spiral of violence in Iraq: American deaths, British, Italian, Spanish and Polish deaths. How many deaths must there be before people understand that it’s essential to change tack?

THE MINISTER – Yes, the spiral of violence is due both to the growing number of forces – groups and terrorist networks – and at the same time we’re seeing the conflation of these forces with the nationalist and Islamist forces. And this is clearly the risk: that in the end very different objectives lead to the same outcome, i.e. the choice of violence. This is why we’re saying that the security-orientated approach, the uniquely military approach can’t cool the situation in Iraq, can’t lead to Iraq’s reconstruction. There has to be a political approach to dissociate these factors of violence, these terrorist groups, from all those who want to get rid of an occupying regime in Iraq.

THE MINISTER – Yes, it’s a particularly important moment because there is, today in the United States, a realization of what’s really at stake. People are clearly seeing the limits of the policy now being pursued. Obviously, US representatives on the ground are continuing to use the same old language of every governor, in every occupying regime in the world: “just a bit more time”. Unfortunately, time today means [more] deaths.

THE MINISTER – There is today a desire for more consultation. But I don't think that's enough. President Bush, Colin Powell are going to be in Europe, in London before the end of the month. Colin Powell will be in Brussels and I and my European colleagues will have the opportunity to meet him.

THE MINISTER – Mr Bush isn't coming to Paris, but today we are ready for any meetings, any consultations, and this morning I want to hold out my hand to our American friends because it's an issue which concerns everyone. It's a matter of world security. We see Iraq's situation. We see the situation of Iran where there is a proliferation crisis which we must together be capable of dealing with peacefully. There's a crisis in Afghanistan.

THE MINISTER – A global approach is vital. We must mobilize our capabilities. We've all had experience of this type of situation. So the international community must act. In Iraq, it’s quite clear, we should have a special envoy from the United Nations Secretary- General capable, on the spot, of working in cooperation with Paul Bremer, the American representative.

THE MINISTER – There's no question today of asking the US troops to pull out. The Americans have begun an operation, it must be completed to bring greater security, but this must be under the aegis of the Iraqis themselves. Iraqi sovereignty must be the starting point. A representative assembly could be appointed by the Governing Council, out of the various existing Iraqi bodies, but broadened to achieve the greatest possible legitimacy. It should appoint a provisional Iraqi government before the end of the year. I hear talk of summer 2004. All this is far too late. It’s a matter of urgency. The provisional government must be able to take over the reins in Iraq and every one of us must contribute in accordance with this government’s specific requests. I believe this is the solution.

THE MINISTER – We have said this from the outset. We are ready to contribute to Iraq's development.

THE MINISTER – We want to help but – and this is the condition we're setting – we want to do so in response to requests by an Iraqi government. It's for the Iraqis to say how they wish security to be achieved and how they think it can be. I'm going to tell you an anecdote. Mrs Hashimi, who was an eminent member of the Iraqi Governing Council, was in Paris, a few weeks ago, a few days before her death. She died as a result of a terrorist attack in Iraq. She told me: "You know when US troops come across black marketeers in Baghdad, none of the black marketeers bat an eyelid. When a few Iraqis armed with truncheons come across them, everyone who has something to feel guilty about immediately flees". That shows you that the Iraqis are better placed than anyone else to enforce order and security in Iraq. The Iraqis are telling us: "this is how we think you can make a useful contribution to security, particularly by protecting our borders".

THE MINISTER – Legitimacy requires us going through the international community, with the United Nations, with the United States who are engaged on the ground and who must go on doing what they’re doing, but under the Iraqis' aegis. It's for the Iraqis to tell us how they wish things to be. Take the example of security. If the Iraqis consider they are better placed than the occupation forces to resolve the security problem in the towns, if they think efforts need to be concentrated on the borders – all matters which are arising – I think we have to concur since the Iraqis are, by definition, far more familiar with their country than we are.

THE MINISTER – That she will show solidarity, initiate proposals and display courage. France is an ally and friend of the United States. From the start of this tragic crisis, we have always been willing to propose to our American friends what we believe to be the right path.

THE MINISTER – History will tell. The history of Franco-US relations throughout these past months has constantly been one of France making proposals to try to find the right way to resolve the crisis. We are doing this again today by saying: the only way out of the present difficulties is through a political approach, a collective approach, i.e. of the whole international community. We are ready for any discussions, any meetings.

(...)

THE MINISTER – Time is no one's friend. We must act and we can’t accept as inevitable the rising daily death toll in Iraq.

MIDDLE EAST

THE MINISTER – France supports all the initiatives. We think that the road-map which was defined by the international community and accepted by all the parties is the right framework and that the Geneva Accord lights the way forward. It also contributes something. Today there’s a new Palestinian government and so we have the conditions for resuming this vital quest for peace. If we don't do this, here too, there will be more violence, more terrorism. Let's mobilize! We know the solution: the creation of a Palestinian State. You can't have justice for some and not for others. You can't want peace and justice in Iraq without wanting peace and justice in the Middle East. These peoples are peoples longing for peace, but at the same time they want justice.

IRAQ/NEW UNSCR

THE MINISTER – There will have to be a new resolution once an Iraqi assembly and provisional government have been formed in order to confer their rightful authority and sovereignty on them.

(...)

FRANCO-GERMAN UNION

THE MINISTER – The idea is to look ahead. We need something to aim for. We need, some would say, a utopian ideal. Of course, the aim isn't in any way to give up our sovereignties. It's a matter of uniting our strengths.

(...)

THE MINISTER – Today, our European Union will be stronger because of the constantly reaffirmed determination of our two States every day to work more together. A few examples: on the diplomatic front, the instructions we give our Mission in New York and our Mission to the European Union in Brussels are developed jointly with our German friends. We are increasing the number of joint French and German diplomatic premises.

THE MINISTER – (...) Today all our States shoulder their responsibilities as sovereign nations and, what's important, is for us to come together in this way, combine our resources and work more closely together. We want, in the face of a certain scepticism we note in various quarters in Europe, in the face of some doubts, and some difficulties, to signal France and Germany's will to move forward in the spirit of Europe, with resolution and conviction.

THE MINISTER– At no moment. The aim is to inject impetus and signal movement. (...)./.